Cultivating a legacy

Chief Thesele ‘Maseribane on agriculture, coalition chaos and the future of Basotho food sovereignty

In the ever-shifting landscape of Lesotho’s politics, few figures have navigated its complexities with the consistency of Chief Thesele ‘Maseribane. A former leader of the Basotho National Party (BNP), a senior cabinet minister across multiple portfolios, and Lesotho’s former Ambassador to Italy, his career is a tapestry woven with threads of ambition, instability, and a singular, enduring passion – agriculture.

Born into the fertile Senqu Valley, Chief ‘Maseribane’s (TM) vision has long been to transform Lesotho from a nation of subsistence farmers into a commercial agricultural powerhouse. Yet, his tenure in government was frequently undercut by the fragility of coalition politics, where long-term strategies often fell victim to short-term survival.

In this exclusive interview with Public Eye’s Mosa Maoeng (PE), the Chief reflects on the policies he championed, the bureaucratic inertia that stalled them, and his pivotal role in leveraging diplomatic ties to elevate Lesotho’s profile on the global stage.

Now re-engaged in the private sector and reaffirming his loyalty to the BNP, he offers a candid assessment of the past and a pointed vision for the nation’s future.

PE: During your tenure as a cabinet minister and leader of the BNP, you consistently advocated for agriculture as the centrepiece of national development. What specific policy or legislative framework did you champion to move Lesotho away from subsistence farming toward a commercial, resilient agricultural economy, and can you point to a specific district or project where that vision was successfully implemented?

TM: My vision was always industrial agriculture. As Minister of Public Service, a direct parliamentary instrument wasn’t my vehicle, but influence was. You will see it in the BNP manifesto under my leadership: a clear push for diversifying industrialisation to win the farmers’ vote. My argument was that the Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP) must be more than water and energy – it had to be leveraged for agriculture, particularly irrigation.

Later, as Minister of Communications, we launched a new Science and Technology policy with a specific component on smart agriculture. We couldn’t afford to be behind. But the most tangible example came when I was Minister of Youth. We secured machinery – potato peelers, chip makers – destined for ‘Mantšase and vocational schools. We also imported lanolin extractors for wool and mohair to add value. Tragically, much of that equipment still sits in warehouses or lies abandoned in Quthing.

The vision was there; the continuity and political will to deploy it were not.

My last initiative, the Sethala programme as Minister of Small Business, was about creating a platform to showcase agricultural products. That has grown, proving the concept was sound.

PE: You operated during periods of significant political instability. How did coalition government volatility undermine your ability to execute a long-term agricultural strategy, and in hindsight, what single decision do you regret not pushing harder for?

TM: Coalition governments are about survival, not strategy. We were constantly managing cracks – over the LHWP treaty, security instability. There was simply no space to push for food security when the government itself was unstable. I remember chairing cabinet multiple times when both the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister were absent.

As a coalition leader, my authority was constrained. Crucial agricultural documents that required the Prime Minister’s signature languished. The regret is simple: I wish I had had the political capital and stability to push my passion for transforming our farmers into commercial farmers.

The constant political firefighting left no room for that.

PE: You have spoken about the link between land tenure reform and productivity. Given the communal land system, what specific reforms did you propose in cabinet, and which traditional leaders or colleagues resisted these efforts?

TM: I took an oath of cabinet secrecy, and I respect it. I will not name individuals. But my position was clear: with our arable land depleting daily, reform is non-negotiable for future generations. If traditional leadership is not equipped to manage this resource, the government must act. I supported the principle of converting arable land leases into commercial leases. But it can’t end with the Minister of Agriculture.

The Minister of Local Government, who oversees the chiefs, must drive the legislative changes to make these leases viable. We need leases that can unlock finance and collateral. Agriculture is too important – given the quality of what we can produce, like our potatoes – to be hamstrung by archaic land administration.

PE: Looking at the National Strategic Development Plans (NSDP) cycles during your time, where did agriculture fall short in budget allocation? Can you identify an instance where funds for infrastructure like irrigation or silos were diverted elsewhere?

TM: I see young Basotho today selling maize, packaging bananas and apples, working through the night. That’s the energy we must invest in. But we need the infrastructure. I once approached Blue Ribbon to build sheds for vendors – just basic markets. The government must build on that, even with limited funds. The problem isn’t just allocation; it’s a failure to support informal value chains. We don’t have the climate for avocados or bananas, but we have grapes.

We need to strengthen that, add value, and package Basotho products for export. We also need financial instruments like a Post Bank partial guarantee to support these young entrepreneurs. The funds were never enough, but the real failure was the lack of strategic deployment for what we had.

PE: As Ambassador to Italy, based at the FAO headquarters, what was your specific mission? Did you have a formal strategy to leverage Lesotho’s presence, or was the relationship reactive?

TM: We had a skeleton staff – just two diplomats and myself covering 18 countries. With limited resources, you must be strategic. The government’s priority was to strengthen political ties, but I expanded that. Our team rallied all consular staff to Rome. We used the Covid-19 pandemic as a catalyst for collaboration on health supplies.

My focus was threefold: First, leveraging His Majesty’s role as the FAO Champion for Nutrition. Second, addressing our poor performance that had locked us out of IFAD13 funding. We resolved that and secured support. Third, I worked on the school feeding programme policies to connect them to small-scale farmers.

At the WFP, I pushed the agenda on indigenous and organic foods – an area where Lesotho is a leading voice. I made sure we were not reactive; we were at the table with submissions and research whenever smart partnerships or nutrition were discussed.

PE: Can you name a specific FAO programme you helped facilitate for Lesotho and its outcome for Basotho farmers?

TM: I championed the One Country One Priority Product (OCOP) initiative. Knowing the quality of our potatoes, I knew this was our moment. We didn’t just participate; we made an impact. The result was historic: the leaders of IFAD, WFP, and FAO all came to Lesotho on the same day – at a time when they were needed in Afghanistan and DRC. That was proof of our seriousness. It was a direct result of our team’s work, leveraging His Majesty’s role, and it raised Lesotho’s flag high. It showed the world we were serious partners.

PE: Italy is a leader in agro-processing. What concrete bilateral agreements did you broker for skills transfer in value addition?

TM: We secured eight scholarship agreements with Italian universities for the National University of Lesotho. The Minister of Water was assigned to build schools of water—though I don’t know the status of that now. Critically, the Minister of Agriculture signed an agreement to plant olive trees. Experts confirmed our climate is ideal. We share similar conditions with Italy.

I also worked to connect WFP with our government and universities to create a pipeline for our youth to secure jobs within the UN food agencies. These were concrete steps toward skills transfer and investment. My final push was to strengthen His Majesty’s office. He has three years left as Champion for Nutrition, and we need a robust report to show funders we are serious.

PE: The FAO is often criticised for being bureaucratic. Based on your experience, how effective is it in addressing Lesotho’s vulnerability to drought and land degradation?

TM: We must understand how UN agencies work. They are funded by member states like the US, China, and Russia. They rely on those injections. But soil erosion is not the FAO’s problem – it is ours. We know we need to plant trees. We lost our soil conservation policy. That’s a failure of Basotho policy, not the FAO. The FAO has been a supportive partner, but we are not performing our part. We don’t submit the reports that show what funds have achieved. Investors and partners are drawn to countries that perform. If we don’t, the funding simply goes to others.

PE: You recently attended a gathering on food security with Genesis Fertilizers and Relict Organics. Do you endorse organic inputs as a scalable solution, or is it a niche market distracting from high-yield agriculture?

TM: Let me be clear. After evaluating the dangers of GMOs and injected poultry, I have committed to indigenous and organic food for life. We faced an embarrassment when we closed borders to poultry due to bird flu. When I asked for a solution, I was told: “Tell your Minister of Agriculture to let the free-range chickens run and lay eggs. They eat worms and grow naturally.” We’ve lost patience; we opt for packaged chicken instead.

I am not fighting GMOs, but I am demanding a seat at the table for health inspectors and agriculture officials to create a platform for healthy, home-grown produce. We must prepare the next generation for a future free from the cancer risks associated with current food systems. I am advocating for an Indigenous and Organic policy across the SADC region.

PE: Does prioritising organic exports risk creating a dual system where prime land is used for export while locals face staple food shortages?

TM: No. The global market is open. If a cruise ship needs 20 000 tons of asparagus or 20 tons of lamb, why can’t Lesotho supply it? This is about developing entrepreneurs who can market Lesotho. We have already exported peaches to the EU – the most difficult standards. If we can do that, there is no hindrance for Basotho products. We need to invite investors to taste our organic asparagus and lamb. We will secure orders. The fear that our products aren’t standardised is unfounded. We are part of the global world.

PE: Since returning from Rome, what is your current role with the BNP? Are you advising the leadership, and do you have ambitions to return to executive government?

TM: I am a BNP member. I respect that I am a former leader. Many people are approaching me – some want me to perform, some invite me to join other parties. But self-introspection is crucial. I awoke a sleeping giant in the BNP, but I did it with a team. The line between advising and interfering is thin. I am carefully considering my next step. I will never abandon this party. I grew in it, and my political maturity comes from the Basotho people. The historic misunderstanding between the BNP and BCP – a crack I was never part of – has affected the country. For the nation’s sake, I am still available for the political space, but I must take the right step.

PE: Are you currently acting as a consultant, shareholder, or advisor to Genesis Fertilizers, Relict Organics, or any other entity in Lesotho’s agro-space? How do you separate private interests from public advocacy?

TM: I am a Mosotho by birth. That gives me the right to be a priest, a politician, or a businessman. I am in the corporate world. I am not an agent; I am a partner at Genesis. I am a businessman, and I need to make a living. The networks I built in Italy are now paving the way to create employment – for example, by implementing electric bicycles charged with mini-grids. There is no conflict. My public advocacy for indigenous and organic food is a matter of personal conviction, born from what I have learned. My private business is a separate endeavour to create value and jobs.